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Retailers and their PSP’s will not want to exceed specific fraud levels to minimize the impact of Secure Customer Authentication (SCA) on customers. Advanced fraud systems, using the latest machine learning technology, will achieve this, but retailers and PSP’s need robust reporting in place to provide reassurance on fraud levels and early-warning about trends that are going to take fraud levels in the wrong direction. To meet this exemption, institutions will need to report on at least a quarterly basis on performance against the reference fraud rates, total value of fraudulent payment transactions compared with the total value of all payment transactions, segmented by several factors. The reporting figures and methodology needs to be assessed by auditors and shared with regulators upon request. But the SCA reporting is based on the same terms as fraud reporting, we have already covered, and therefore leads itself open to the same misinterpretation and ambiguity amongst PSP’s. This ambiguity is likely to be much more of a differentiator as it could impact on the ability for a PSP to apply exemption from SCA on certain transactions or not. Two stated objectives of the EBA for PSD2 were to: Improve the level playing field for payment service providers (including new players); and make payments safer and more secure The highlighted issues show that for fraud reporting at least, and potentially for SCA, these objectives may be under threat. To reduce timescales, effort and error in producing reports, Retailers and PSP’s need a robust solution that can link directly with the fraud solutions detecting fraudulent activity. SmartIntelligence from ai is an industry leading BI tool that integrates directly with ai’s globally deployed RiskNet Enterprise fraud detection solution. You just tap and hold it, then tap the bin icon that appears in the top bar and say Ok to the message that pops up asking if you really want to delete it. What you probably want to know, though is how to delete that message so the recipient cannot see it either.


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It might be worth a read, he said, if I wanted to get an idea of what his former colleagues in Moscow were thinking. The next day I went to the Lesya Ukrainka public library in Kiev and found a copy. (The book was not available in bookstores, for understandable reasons. I was intrigued: on the cover was some sort of ancient Norse rune, plus a map of the former Soviet Union. And inside, sure enough, was a note thanking General Nikolay Klokotov, head of the department of strategy at the Academy of the General Staff, for his insightful analytical help with the project. The book was an exposition of right-wing theories of nationalism; fascistic theories from interwar Nazis, like geopolitics; plus a political movement I had never heard of, known as Eurasianism. This appeared to describe a plan to put the Soviet Union back together again, en route to creating a world-dominating empire. On my next visit to Moscow, I met Alexander Dugin, the book’s author, at his office in a public library across from the golden onion domes and secluded ponds of the Novodevichy Convent in Moscow. A former dissident, who cranked out his manifestos in dingy basements and on Xerox machines, Dugin’s search for freedom from totalitarian rule led him in a very different direction from many of his fellow Soviet-era intellectuals. Dugin’s very existence is interesting, given the booming triumphalism which accompanied the end of the Cold War. He had spent his life wrestling with the chains of authoritarianism, only to embark on building a new type of authoritarianism when the old type finally fell.