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The study subjects were 20 skeletally immature IS patients who were followed until maturity. The mean age and the mean pubertal status at the initial visit were 9. years and 24 months before menarche, respectively, with a follow-up period of 5. years. Height measurements were recorded at each visit, and HV was calculated as the change in height (cm) divided by the time interval (yr. between visits of 6 to 12 months. The PHV, age at PHV (APHV), height at PHV (HPHV), and final height (FH) were determined. Patient HV curves were plotted using their HV data, and growth periods (GPs) were calculated from the curves. PHVs and GPs of study patients were compared to standard data from unaffected girls. The PHV and GP values in IS female patients were higher and shorter than those in unaffected girls. These findings indicate that the patterns of height velocity curves in IS patients are different from those in unaffected girls, suggesting that curve progression in IS patients is associated with the magnitude of PHV and duration of GP. Recently, we have developed an HV reader to easily and quickly identify the present HV in patients with scoliosis, applicable for the clinical setting or school screening. The findings presented here are from a larger qualitative examination of the lives and experiences of a group of 11 transgendered adults that examined four broad areas: transgender identity recognition, acknowledgement, and development; bodily experiences; relationships with others; and health care experiences. The focus of this article is the relevant findings related to four participants in the study who identified as female -to-male (FTM), meaning they were born female -bodied, but identify as male. The highlight here is on the recognition, acknowledgement, and development of transgender identity. Our intention is to expose uninformed people to first-hand accounts by FTM transgendered persons about their life trajectories, particularly during childhood, adolescence, and the early adult years.

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She got rid of a sadistic tyrant like Joffrey, who would have gone on to be another Aerys Targaryen. And for which she apparently ends up dying by poison because Jaime corners her after sacking Highgarden. He gets Riverrun back to the Freys, getting the BF killed in the process (In the books, he escapes). From all the spoilers this season, his story is that he's actively aiding in keeping the Lannisters in power, allies with Euron, apparently tries to kill Dany in the ambush and fails to be convinced by Tyrion reasoning with him. Trying to stop Margaery from taking a walk of atonement (the exact same thing Olenna was doing). Ending the siege at Riverrun with as little bloodshed as possible. If it had come to battle, innocent people who had nothing to do with politics or great houses but were just caught up in their Lord's grasping for power would have died. By convincing Lord Edmure to surrender, using his own poor reputation which would have gotten even worse afterwards, Jaime managed to prevent many deaths, just as he had done at King's Landing. The only shitty thing that Jaime has truly done that I can think took place is killing Bran and Jory, and that all came from a desire to protect his loves ones. Well he also took parts in raisd on defenceless villages and killed innocent people. Jaime saved the entire population of King's Landing and managed to end an entire siege with only one person dying. Even trying to kill Bran; his worst deed, was out of a need to protect his lover and his three children. Many would have done the same, even some of the more moral characters on the show. Even Catelyn, if she had to choose between the death of an innocent boy or her ownd children, would have saved her children any day. Well, as I said, Jaime has no idea what Dany is capable of. But he does know that she has brought an entire Dothraki army down on Westers and has allied herself with Iron Islanders and the people who have killed his daughter in cold blood.

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Everywhere we went, Jean and I noticed that building materials were gathered near construction sites, often within a few hundred yards. Traditional sub-Saharan villages give shape and meaning to life by relating human activity to the natural world. Building would begin each year after the harvest and before the rainy season. The buildings were exquisitely designed for practical tasks and supported a shared vision of social life. They reflected a profound spiritual orientation toward the ancestors and the natural world and reflected the social and cultural values of the people who lived there. The months that we traveled in Africa away from urban centers were the first extended periods of time I had spent outside a city in a world dominated not by human creations but by forces of nature. In sharp contrast to our experience of industrial cities in the United States, in the West African villages we visited, both in the savanna and the rainforests, everybody—men and women, young and old—participated in the design and construction of the places where they lived. Later, I learned that when a couple gets married, the whole village participates in building a new compound for them. I was deeply moved by the carefully woven thatch roofs, the round earthen structures, and the larger-than-life granaries markedly sculpted by human hands. These buildings, constructed by people seemingly without professional training, were beautifully adapted to the available resources, the climate, and the spiritual life of the people. It was clear that the indigenous African people had drawn from an enormous well of creativity. With few resources, they built elegant surroundings that embodied their practical, social, and spiritual needs. I began to wonder what had happened to that creativity and that sense of agency when Africans became enslaved and what restoring a viable relationship with the natural world might look like for African Americans. The juxtaposition between Africa’s many settlement types was visually spectacular: the colonial and modern cities, urban shantytowns, traditional indigenous villages, ancient Islamic towns centered upon the mosque and the market place, and slave-trading fortress towns. Yet beyond whatever insights I picked up about the marvels of vernacular architecture, I had no theory to address and comprehend the true complexity of the built environment in Africa. For the task of learning about African architecture, I had brought the tools I had honed in the architectural design studio at Columbia University; however, while these tools gave me access to many insights about spatial organization and design solutions, they failed to give me the deeper insights I sought into the ways social organization impacts human habitat.

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