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And freedom is something that has not been guaranteed to people in the world throughout time. To be subjugated to the will of a person or a group of people, it’s not something that’s only about the United States of America. Most of the greatest heroes that we celebrate are military heroes that defeated people, and engaged in absolute murder, concubinage, and slavery. And we, at this moment, appear to not be up to that challenge. And by that, I don’t mean in the fear of another nation. I mean the fear of an ideology which says, “To hell with these people,” which is what has dominated the world most of the time, and has even been dominant in our country’s leadership, if not its people. I could take you down the Constitution, and the separation of powers. All of the things that are the foundation of what we do, the ability to amend the Constitution, and the Constitution being a very simple framed document, that’s shorter than every other state constitution, and the repetitiveness of the Constitution from the federal government to the state government, to the local government. But when you don’t have an agreement on the humanity of other people, then you subvert the Constitution. I had a podcast about liberal democracy, the idea, you don’t have to agree with your fellow citizens about values, necessarily. You can disagree about fundamental things, but there has to be something shared, right. There has to be something shared that you agree with, and you base everything on that. And a bunch of players up there improvising together have to be the same way. What is happening with our music many times is one person will solo all night, five people will solo forever. Mine, which was on the bandstand that allowed other people were playing all with them in it.

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By the end of 1956 the always delicate relationship between Sukarno and Hatta became so strained that the latter resigned, an action that in essence withdrew the stamp of legitimacy from the central government so far as many of the leading military, financial, political, and religious groups in the Outer Islands were concerned. The duumvirate had been the symbolic, and to a great extent the real, guarantee of the recognition of the various Outer Island peoples as full and equal partners with the so much more numerous Javanese in the Republic, a quasi-constitutional warranty that the Javanese tail would not be permitted to wag the Indonesian dog. Sukarno, part Javanese mystic and part inveterate eclectic, and Hatta, part Sumatran puritan and part shirtsleeve administrator, supplemented one another not only politically but primordially. Sukarno summed up the syncretic high culture of the elusive Javanese; Hatta, the Islamic mercantilism of the less subtle Outer Islanders. Since then, spasmodic violence has alternated with a frantic search for political panaceas. Abortive coups, misfired assassination attempts, and unsuccessful insurrections have followed one after the other, punc- 290 THE INTERPRETATION OF CULTURES tuated by an astounding wealth of ideological and institutional experiments. But from all this nervous tinkering and breathless sloganeering no form competent to contain the country's diversity has appeared, because such random improvisation represents not a realistic search for a solution to the nation's integrative problems but a desperately laid smoke screen behind which to hide a growing conviction of impending political catastrophe. But their relationship to each other, as well as the extent of their effective power, remains, like just about everything else in Indonesian political life, undetermined. President Sukarno's frenzied ideologism continued to rise until the night of September 30, 1965, when the Commander of the Presidential Guard mounted an attempted coup d'ttat. Six ranking Army generals were murdered (General Nasution narrowly escaped), but the coup failed when another General, Suharto, rallied the army and crushed the rebels. There followed several months of extraordinary popular savagery-mainly in Java and Bali, but also sporadically in Sumatra-directed against individuals considered to be fo llowers of the Indonesian Communist Party, which was generally regarded to have been behind the coup. Since then the country 291 The Integrative Revolution has been run by the army with the assistance of various civilian technical experts and administrators. A second general election, held in the summer of 1971, resulted in the victory of a government-sponsored and -controlled party and the severe weakening of the older political parties. A t the moment, though tension between primordially defined groups, religious, regional, and ethnic, remains intense, and in fact may have been deepened by the events of 1965, open expression of it is largely absent. That it will long remain so seems-to me at least-unlikely.

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See C651 Roman on the SoftMaker MegaFont XXL CD, 2002. Nicola Caleffi complains that New Caledonia and BT 511 are too weak and miss old style figures. Mac McGrew: Caledonia and Caledonia Italic were designed by William A. Dwiggins for Linotype in 1938, with Caledonia Bold and Bold Italic added two years later. A Bold Condensed version was produced by Lino for newspaper head- line use. Caledonia has been described as a modernization of Scotch Roman (and Caledonia is the ancient name for Scotland), but it is more than that. It also shows the influence of the Bulmer typeface, with a large portion of Dwiggins' individuality. In text sizes, short descenders may be cast on nominal body sizes, while the more handsome long descenders (not made for italics) require one point larger body size. Charter (1946). Mac McGrew: Charter was an experimental, special-purpose typeface designed by William A. An upright script, only the lowercase and the few other characters shown were completed. It was used in a limited edition book, The Song Story of Aucassin and Nicolete, designed and printed in 1946 by S. A. Jacobs at the Golden Eagle Press, Mt. Vernon, New York, with Electra small caps in place of regular caps.

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Tenney said that Witchboard was a movie that a fan could see once and like, but never really have to see it again. He then said that Night of the Demons was like a roller coaster, where fans watched it and then immediately wanted to get back on the ride and watch it again. The acting in Witchboard blew away the acting in Night of the Demons and the story was actually a lot smarter. It just doesn’t have the “fun factor” that Night of the Demons possessed in spades. Brandon brought a Ouija board to the party with him and he played it with Linda, as the two of them talked to a young dead boy that Brandon had spoken to before. Things go wrong, spirits get mad and Brandon’s tires end up flat. Well, it turns out the spirit was not the young boy but instead a demon that was using the board as a conduit to cause damage. There was some big fun gore in this movie, but the entire story remained more realistic for this type of horror movie. The effects were decent outside of one shot of a man being thrown through a window which looked fake even though they actually shot the man falling through the window. It is proof that just because you really do something, it doesn’t mean it will look good. However, Tenney was right, there is no reason to really watch this movie more than once. There are two audio commentary tracks, a feature length documentary and some extra interviews. The first is with director Kevin Tenney and actors Stephen Nichols, Kathleen Wilhoite and James Quinn. It was interesting to hear Nichols say that he had just started Days of Our Lives when he was cast in the movie. Then Days wanted to sign him to a contract but he turned it down to be in the movie.

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