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First time director James McTeigue oversells many moments. To show how bad the food is in prison, McTeigue has a rat refusing to eat from the plate! V. €™s underground lair is complete with a piano, a TV, a jukebox with 300 songs, impressive artwork, and hundreds of books. Considering this is suppose to be a secret hideout in the abandon subways of London, one wonders how he was able to sneak in a piano or a jukebox. Not since the sixties pop classic Danger: Diabolik has a most wanted criminal had such a spread. The climax of the film involves thousands of Guy Fawkes masks being delivered all over London. This produces some amazing visuals, but it also raises questions of practicality (where were they made? How did V. All of this sounds like complaints, and in most any other film, they would be, but V for Vendetta has unique charms. It boasts a strong visual style with striking set design. It has Hugo Weaving never once showing his face and ideally cast as V. It has Natalie Portman making up for sleepwalking through the Star Wars films. It has Stephen Rea as the detective trying to catch V. It even has the cleverest Kiss Me Deadly reference since Pulp Fiction. However, the film does walk a line as its Matrix inspired trailer suggests. The film changes the comic to make it more like an action film. There is a climatic showdown with the worst of the villains and in slow motion no less. Despite the ending, action fans may be disappointed by the long middle section where hero and villain fight with words instead of bullets and throwing knives. Science fiction fans may be intrigued by the future presented, a world where the public have traded their freedom for security (any similarity to actual events is NOT purely coincidental!
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All this is, however, still largely in the paper-planning stage, and it can not be claimed that very much actual reorganization of the institu tio nal structure of Balinese religion has in fact taken place. What will come of all this-the intensified religious questioning, the spread of religious literacy, and the attempt to reorgan ize religious institutions-remains simply to be seen. But not only do such overall drifts-when they do not turn out to be mirages altogether-often pass over deeply rooted cultural configu rations with rather less effect upon them than we would have thought possible, but, for all its present weakness, the regenerative potential of a triangular alliance of troubled youth, threatened aristocrats, and aroused priests should not be underestimated. Today in Bali some of the same social and intellectual processes which gave rise to the fundamental reli gious transformations of world history seem to be at least well begun, and whatever their vicissitudes or eventual outcome, their career can hardly help but be an instructive one. By looking closely at what hap pens on this peculiar little island over the next several decades we may gain insights into the dynamics of religious change of a specificity and an i mmediacy that history, having already happened, can never give US. And on Bali itself, the H indu reform movement has grown into a m;ijor force. And so far as later work in this area has been more than tendentious or mindlessly empirical, it has involved the employment of a series of more or less ingenious methodological devices to escape from what may be called (because, like the puzzle of Achilles and the tortoise, it struck at the very foundations of rational knowledge) Mannheim's Paradox. As Zeno's Paradox raised (or, at least, articulated) unsettling questions about the validity of mathematical reasoning, so Mannheim's Paradox raised them with respect to the objectivity of sociological analysis. Where, if anywhere, ideology leaves off and science begins has been the Sphinx's Riddle of much of modern sociological thought and the rustless weapon of its enemies. Claims to impartiality have been advanced in the name of disciplined adherence to impersonal research procedures, of the academic man's institutional insulation from the immediate con- 2 K. Although the arrival of a scien tific sociology has been repeatedly proclaimed, the acknowledgment of its ex istence is far from universal, even among social scientists them selves; and nowhere is resistance to claims to objectivity greater than in the study of ideology. A number of sources for this resistance have been cited repeatedly in the apologetic literature of the social sciences. The value-laden nature of the subject matter is perhaps most frequently invoked: men do not care to have beliefs to which they attach great moral significance exam ined dispassionately, no matter for how pure a purpose; and if they are themselves highly ideologized, they may find it simply impossible to be lieve that a disinterested approach to critical matters of social and polit ical conviction can be other than a scholastic sham. And, when all else fails, it is always possible to point out once more that sociology is a young science, that it has been so recently founded that it has not had ti me to reach the levels of institutional so lidity necessary to sustain its claims to investigatory freedom in sensi tive areas. All these arguments have, doubtless, a certain validity. But what-by a curious selective omission the unkind might well indict as id eological -is not so often considered is the possibil ity that a great part of the problem l ies in the lack of conceptual sophistication within social science itself, that the resistance of ideology to sociological anal ysis is so great because such analyses are in fact fundamentally inade- 3 W. White, Beyond Conformity (New York, ), p 204 THE INTERPRETATION OF CULTURES quate; the theoretical framework they employ is conspicuously incom plete. Stark, The Sociology of Kno wledge ( London, 1 958), p. 48. 205 Ideology As a Cultural System 1 97 emotions like hate, desire, anxiety, or fear.
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