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Stiles White, a veteran special effects production coordinator, is making his directorial debut with a cast of relative unknowns. In this R-rated drama, a Chicago lawyer (Downey) returns to his childhood home where his father (Duvall), the town’s judge, is being tried for murder. Oh, there’s no shot at award nominations for this Easy Bake feelgood drama, but the pure acting caliber of all involved raise the bar even if the screenwritten legalese wouldn’t pass the bar. As if on cue (and its all head shakingly cued up like a well-oiled trick pool shot), the script hits every predictable beat possible with this, a homecoming legal melodrama too predicated to ever ring true. There’s enough charm, however, to keep you mildly invested in the all-too-familiar goings-on. Seriously, if you’ve seen a film where a cocky big city professional returns to his quaint hometown and learns what’s truly important in life, you’ve seen MOST of The Judge. The familial twist to the legal angle sets the flick apart, but even the courtroom action seems recycled. Robert Downey, Jr. and Robert Duvall lead a cast that fires on all cylinders, but their talents are clearly better than the material provided them, which seems better suited as the set-up for the first season of a folksy USA series. Hell, if Tony Stark and Tom Hagen put on dresses, they could even aim for Lifetime. Aside from Clay Pigeons, director David Dobkin is mostly known for comedies and even his success rate with that genre remains spotty (Fred Claus, The Change-Up). Here, he gives the drama the same polished warm and fuzzy sheen afforded his biggest comedic hit, The Wedding Crashers. Perhaps, this wasn’t the best tonal approach for a drama that’s trying to be hard hitting, not fun-loving. In this R-rated war drama set in 1945, a battle-hardened army sergeant (Pitt) commands a Sherman tank and her five-man crew (LaBeouf, Logan Lerman, Michael Pena, Jon Bernthal) on a deadly mission behind enemy lines during the Allies’ final surge into Germany. This is not just a nod to the brain-splattering fighting, but to the Sherman-borne camaraderie as well. We follow the plight of a weak-kneed young raw recruit who knows he’s in way over his head. Despite using this very familiar war POV, however, Fury easily conscripts filmgoers into its war-is-hell trek through enemy lines.

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There is also disagreement about whether cyber problems and mental disorders can be treated successfully online. Nevertheless, cyber research about our online habits suggests that some online behaviors do have deleterious offline consequences. The three As of cyberpsychology communication (access, anonymity, autonomy) (Suler, 2004, 2005) appear to facilitate the emergence of certain problems offline. Psychologist D. Jacobs, Professor Emeritus at Loma Linda University in Redlands, California, and leading authority on gambling and compulsive behaviors, believes that certain premorbid experiences, especially trauma, may tip the scales toward pathological Internet use. He finds that the accessibility and privacy of certain online activities, such as shopping, gambling, and cyber porn, may increase one’s addiction potential. But Jacob cautions that this “transference” is likely to occur only in predisposed individuals (D. Denegri-Knott and Taylor (2005) believe that offline pathology is just acted out online. Preexisting conditions, such as other addictions, impulse control disorders, and anxiety or mood disorders, make it appear that the Internet is the cause of the problem rather than the effect. The interactivity of Internet technology increases every year. It is itself a disinhibitory process, potentially creating more of the necessary preconditions for Jacob’s theories about compulsivity and impulse control problems online leading to pathological Internet use. Widyanto and Griffith’s review, Internet Addiction: Does It Really Exist? explains that the addiction potential of the Internet arises from the unique constructs of Internet technology (see Chapter 6, this issue). Never before has so much been available so quickly, so easily, and with so much realism. Internet use taps our glut potential (Greenfield, 2004). It’s actually a mental state akin to lucid dreaming (J. This is one of the reasons we often find ourselves online more than we had planned to be.

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In all probability, such a replacement is a sheer impossibility. At least as they have been conceived here, primordial and civil sentiments are not ranged in direct and implicitly evolutionary opposition to one another in the manner of so many of the theoretical dichotomies of classical sociology Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, mechanical and organic solidarity, folk and urban society; the history of their development does not consist simply of the expansion of the one at the expense of the other. Their marked tendency to interfere with one another in the new states stems not from any natural and irremovable antipathy between them but rather from dislocations arising from the differing patterns of change intrinsic to each of them as they respond to the disequilibrating forces of the mid-twentieth century. Their clash is an outcome of the contrasting sorts of transformation that traditional political institutions and traditional modes of self-perception undergo as they move along their separate paths toward modernity. On the self-perception side, the nature of the modernizing process is virtually uninvestigated; it is not usually even recognized that such a process exists. The already mentioned aggregation of narrowly circumscribed tribal, linguistic, religious, and so on, groups into larger more generalized ethnic blocs set within the context of a common social frame is certainly a crucial part of it. A simple, coherent, broadly defined ethnic structure, such as is found in most industrial societies, is not an undissolved residue of traditionalism but an earmark of modernity. But how this reconstruction of the system of primordial affiliation takes place, the stages through which it passes, the forces that advance or retard it, the transformations in personality structure it involves, all 317 The Integrative Revolution are largely unknown. The comparative sociology (or social psychology) of ethnic change remains to be written. With respect to the political side, it can hardly be said that the problem is unrecognized, for the notion of a civil society, of the nature of citizenship and the diffuse social sentiments on which it rests, has been a central concern of political science since Aristotle. But it remains nonetheless vague; much easier to point to than describe; much easier to sense than to analyze. What the civic sense more than anything else seems to involve is a definite concept of the public as a separate and distinct body and an attendant notion of a genuine public interest, which though not necessarily superior to, is independent of and at times even in conflict with, both private and other sorts of collective interest. When we talk about the changing forms of civil politics in the new states or elsewhere, it is the vicissitudes of just this sense of the public and the public interest, its waxings and wanings, its alterations in mode of expression, to which we refer. Again, however, though we have at least a general idea of the nature of civility and the range of forms through which it is materialized in industrial states, very little is known about the processes by which the present patterns have come to be what they are. A genuine civil sense is often even denied-incorrectly in my opinion-to traditional states at all. In any case, the stages through which a modern sense of political community arises out of a traditional one have been at best but impressionistically traced, and thus both the roots and the character of civility remain obscure. A satisfactory understanding of the reasons for the chronic tension in the new states between the need to maintain a socially ratified personal identity and the desire to construct a powerful national community demands, therefore, a more circumstantial tracing of the stages through which their relationship to one another passes as each proceeds along the special lines of its own development.

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“We mixed up our coverages. Dean (Pees, the defensive coordinator) called a great game. “We probably didn’t blitz as much as we usually do. But he mixed his coverages; I don’t think Brett (Hundley) could ever exactly know what we we’re going to do. Our guys were playing so fast and covering so well. It just made it tough on him. Green Bay’s defense played well, too, but the hill was impossibly high to climb. Baltimore had a field-position advantage with the Ravens’ average starting point being the 47. On the first four turnovers, the Packers yielded only three points. Green Bay held Alex Collins, who entered the game ranked third in yards per carry, to a 2. -yard average. The Packers (5-5) are 1-4 since quarterback Aaron Rodgers suffered a broken collarbone. In the last week alone, he has tweeted at the former first lady twice. First, he took aim at her tenure as secretary of state: Does the Fake News Media remember when Crooked Hillary Clinton, as Secretary of State, was begging Russia to be our friend with the misspelled reset button. She just can’t stop, which is so good for the Republican Party. Hillary, get on with your life and give it another try in three years! — Donald J.

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