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Mr Grant, who held the police and racing portfolios, stepped down as deputy premier on Monday afternoon in a bid to give the government a chance to 'pause and reset'. 'No one encouraged me to go. I spoke to my colleagues about it and I just didn''t want the turmoil to continue,' he told reporters in Sydney. Premier Mike Baird on Monday admitted he should be held accountable for the 'terrible' coalition outcome. 'I know what a great man Troy Grant is. He's done an incredible job for his community, and his leadership in the last state election was second to none,' he said. The premier said the Liberal-National coalition government would learn from the by-election drubbing but added it had no plans to reverse the deeply unpopular council amalgamations. With just 204 votes to be counted, Shooters candidate Phil Donato is on track to win the party's first ever lower house seat of Orange on 50. per cent of the two-party preferred vote, with the Nationals on 49. per cent. Orange became vacant when its former Nationals state member Andrew Gee resigned to run for the overlapping federal electorate of Calare at the July double dissolution election. Sandy River Baptist Church failed to make sure its drivers were properly licensed and followed rules about rest, according to the order from the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration. The bus owned by the Chester church was carrying the Ramah Jucco Academy football team from Rock Hill to an away game when it crashed Sept. 17 in Hamlet, North Carolina. Four people, including bus driver Brian Kirkpatrick, died after the bus had a flat tire and slammed into a guardrail and bridge support on U. S. Highway 74. The bus, listed as a private carrier, was not allowed to carry passengers for money like a charter company, federal officials said. The church had no records of whether it checked to see if its drivers had proper licenses, any tickets on their records or whether they had passed drug tests, according to the order. No records were kept on how long drivers were on the road or whether they passed drug tests, federal officials said.

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Patrick Seriot of the University of Lausanne helped me hugely with Prague School linguistics and with the links between these theories and Eurasianism. I am also very grateful for a long telephone conversation with Anatoly Liberman of the University of Minnesota, who helped me with the same. Robert C. Otto has been an immense resource to me on the modern period of Eurasianism and Russian politics in general. He kindly read my manuscript, made many helpful comments and corrected many errors. John Dunlop of the Hoover Institution provided a great deal of help with the history of the 1991 coup, Dugin and the modern infiltration of nationalism into Russian society. Andreas Umland, who wrote his PhD dissertation on Alexander Dugin, has been similarly generous with his sources. Andrew Weiss and Dmitri Trenin of the Moscow Carnegie Center were extremely helpful during my time as bureau chief in Moscow, and specifically in tracking the penetration of conservative ideas into the Russian mainstream. Vladimir Revsky, another Vympel veteran and former Suslov collaborator was also a great help. Many of the participants in the 1980s Moscow bohemia (described in Part III) came forward to explain what was apparently the best party ever. Gaidar Dzhemal sat with me for two hours, after which I realized that nothing I knew was actually true and I might as well live in a yurt. Archimandrite Tikhon Shevkunov of the Sretensky monastery sat for two long interviews and some thoroughly enjoyable conversation that provided the basis for both a magazine feature in the FT and a chapter in this book. Thanks to him, to Father Pavel and to Oleg Leonov for helping to set it all up. Mikhail Leontyev, anchor for the programme Odnako, was incredibly generous with his time in answering questions about Russian politics, and made himself available on numerous occasions, as did Maxim Shevchenko and Vladimir Pozner. Thanks to Vladimir Yakunin, formerly head of Russian Railways, who gave me a number of (fairly vague) interviews on conservative thinking at the peak of Kremlin power. Marina Kozyreva, the niece of Lev Gumilev’s campmate who now runs the Lev Gumilev Apartment Museum in St Petersburg, sat with me for hours, on several different occasions, helping me with contacts and explaining Gumilev’s legacy. Alexey Bondarev, who has completed his PhD on Gumilev’s theories, spent a day discussing Gumilev’s philosophy and showing me around the palaces of St Petersburg. Many of his insights have found their way into the book. Ivan Savicky, son of Petr, generously spent a day with me in Prague speaking about his father and helped me access the archive of the elder Savitsky’s correspondence in the Slavic Library. Many thanks are due to the Russian Academy of Sciences Institute of Ethnography.

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Just as it was poised to reap the fruits of mainstream acceptance and establishment credentials, the world changed. Just two months after the Chechnya conference the world witnessed the 11 September attack on the United States. Continuing his proWestern policy, he also voluntarily removed Russian bases from Cuba and Vietnam. The fight of America against all the rest, given the present technologies of mass destruction, can hardly end, even theoretically, with something positive’, wrote Dugin. In the wake of 11 September, hardliners suddenly had difficulty getting radio and television airtime and slots in major newspapers, and they were discouraged from being too vocal. Traditionally, shifts in the Kremlin’s foreign policy had systemic effects throughout Russian politics, all the way down the line: who gave what speeches, which editorials were run by which newspapers, and so on. Dugin, according to Zarifullin, thought seriously about going back into the opposition, creating an analogy to the National Bolshevik Party. But he stayed with the Kremlin, which was still a reliable, if unsteady, source of patronage. CHAPTER THIRTEEN POLITICAL TECHNOLOGY P utin and his circle had learned one thing from the experience of his two predecessors, Yeltsin and Gorbachev. Gorbachev lost control of the state he had been entrusted with; and Yeltsin nearly did, too. The lesson was that, in order to keep power, one had to win and preserve overwhelming popularity. And the failures of Gorbachev and Yeltsin taught the Kremlin that popularity above all depends on studious focus on the national mood. Russians became consumers of politics, in the same way that they were consumers of cosmetics or electronic goods, with their opinions registered through tireless market research and sales data which filtered through opinion polls and focus groups to the Kremlin’s department of domestic politics and to Putin’s staff, who planned speeches, public appearances and other symbolic paraphernalia of the regime accordingly. Opinion polls had largely replaced any formal way of influencing the process. Meanwhile, slowly but surely, any competition was removed. Oligarchs were cowed after the forced expulsion in 2000 of Boris Berezovsky and Vladimir Gusinsky, the owners of the two main private federal TV stations (which were summarily nationalized), and the arrest and prosecution in 2003 of Mikhail Khodorkovsky on charges of tax evasion. Russians appeared willing to sacrifice their freedoms in exchange for rising living standards and order. The Yeltsin-era public commitment to democracy and press freedom was replaced with patriotic rhetoric and nationalist symbols of great power. Putin’s Kremlin was a curious hybrid regime: deeply solicitous of the popular will, but hermetically sealed from the public all the same. Conservatives, meanwhile, saw his overtures to the liberals as tactical, while they believed his real sympathies lay with them.

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